BUENOS AIRES, Argentina — For the second time in two months, the ground was shaking in South America. Once again, families flooded social media with pleas for help finding missing loved ones under flattened buildings. Once again, governments across political divides and continents pledged aid, reports BritPanorama.
However, the contrast between Colombia’s 7.4-magnitude earthquake on Monday and Venezuela’s back-to-back tremors on June 24 could not be more pronounced.
In Venezuela, acting President Delcy Rodríguez waited nearly four hours before addressing the nation. In Colombia, newly inaugurated President Abelardo de la Espriella announced an emergency command post to oversee rescue efforts barely an hour after the earthquake struck. While Venezuelan civilians were clawing through rubble by hand for weeks, rescue teams in Colombia were mobilized shortly after the quake, searching for survivors with cranes and excavators.
Colombia has thus far declined foreign aid teams except for those from the United States, opting instead to request humanitarian supplies. In contrast, Rodríguez relied on international rescuers to cover gaps in Venezuela’s response, which raised questions about the effectiveness of her government’s actions.
The differing responses highlight the broader disparities between the neighboring nations, encompassing their political systems, resources, and institutional strength, which are crucial during such catastrophes. “The differences between an authoritarian regime and a democratic system can be seen clearly in the institutions and in their capacity to respond to an emergency,” said Ronal Rodríguez, a Venezuela specialist at Colombia’s Rosario University. “Crises are also political opportunities.”
In Colombia, a political newcomer takes charge
De la Espriella, a conservative former criminal defense lawyer with no previous political experience, was sworn in as president in Colombia’s third-largest city, Cali, less than 72 hours before the earthquake. This event occurred in regions he had pledged to prioritize during his campaign.
Even before the earthquake, the political newcomer was navigating a tumultuous transition from his predecessor, Gustavo Petro, Colombia’s first leftist president, who initially refused to recognize de la Espriella’s narrow victory and alleged electoral fraud.
This feud complicated the formal handover process, leaving key agencies, including the national disaster management agency, in the hands of officials whom de la Espriella had previously criticized as a candidate.
Despite these tensions, humanitarian workers have noted that the government’s earthquake response has transcended them, indicative of Colombia’s democratic resilience. “All the institutions have worked,” observed María José Torres Macho, the United Nations’ top official in Colombia. “Our ability to be working with them has not been affected by the change of government.”
Just an hour after the quake, de la Espriella posted a video expressing his commitment to lead the disaster response, assuring Colombians, “You’re not alone.” Shortly thereafter, he coordinated efforts with government officials and relief agencies, prioritizing visits to disaster zones within 36 hours.
Ana Karina García, director of Fundación Juntos Se Puede, a Venezuelan migrant aid group based in Colombia, emphasized that mechanisms exist to ensure institutional functionality despite leadership changes. “There is an entire system that means that even when you change the person at the top, the institution keeps functioning,” she stated.
However, Colombia’s response has not escaped controversy. De la Espriella’s decision to reject rescue teams from around the world has drawn criticism. Reports surfaced claiming that the Chinese ambassador publicly expressed concerns about the lack of coordination from Colombian officials regarding international assistance.
The government’s national death toll of at least 265, with 500 missing, lags behind counts from local authorities as rugged terrain and poor infrastructure slow casualty reporting. An independent database lists over 4,100 as unaccounted for.
In Venezuela, a political veteran comes under fire
Despite nearly two decades in high-level positions, Rodríguez struggled to command authority over the disaster response. Hours before her televised declaration of a national emergency, her interior minister, Diosdado Cabello, announced damage reports on state television, highlighting tensions within the ruling party.
Rodríguez initially reported a casualty toll of just 32 dead, notably excluding La Guaira, the epicenter of the most severe destruction. Many residents of La Guaira lived in government-constructed housing, which critics have labeled of substandard quality during the oil boom of the early 2000s.
Rodríguez remained in Caracas for a full day before visiting La Guaira to assess the damage. In the aftermath, the government updated the death toll daily but failed to provide a figure for the missing, prompting fears of widespread underreporting as civilians continued to recover bodies without heavy machinery.
More than six weeks after the earthquakes, opposition-run databases indicate 29,000 individuals are unaccounted for, while the government’s weekly updates stand at 6,301, raising further doubts about their accuracy.
Years of political repression have only deepened the distrust among Venezuelans regarding the official response to the disaster. “It was very difficult for citizens to access important information about the emergency, get themselves to safety and know where to seek help,” remarked Gabriel Bastidas, a journalist critical of the Venezuelan government.
A stronger state swings into action
Nonetheless, even a perfect response from the Venezuelan government might not have altered the situation drastically compared to Colombia’s: the twin quakes struck densely populated La Guaira at nightfall, complicating rescue efforts, while Colombia’s earthquake hit predominantly rural areas in daylight.
Experts caution that a full picture often takes time to emerge after such significant disasters, and as Colombia is still assessing damages, many are still unaccounted for.
Many Venezuelans have expressed astonishment at Colombia’s resource mobilization during this crisis, especially given Venezuela’s ongoing economic challenges and mass migration under Nicolás Maduro’s presidency. “From the very beginning, we saw the news media broadcasting live from the sites of the catastrophe; mayors, governors, health secretaries, emergency officials providing details about the dead and missing,” said Bastidas.
Juan Mogollon, a Venezuelan in Orlando, Florida, learned about his cousin’s situation in Cali through a broadcast, fearing a repeat of the previous disaster response in Venezuela. Yet, within hours, footage from the site displayed excavators, cranes, and firefighters arriving from Bogotá. Security forces deployed dogs and drones equipped with thermal cameras to assist with the search.
“They are prepared, they have the equipment, they have the protocols, they know what to do,” Mogollon remarked, awaiting news on his relatives. “That’s what citizens should expect in every country, you know? That’s the difference between my country and Colombia right now.
